Surge of violence underscores lack of oversight of the military by the seven-month-old Aung San Suu Kyi administration.
The Rohingya are an ethnic group, the majority of whom are Muslim, who have lived for centuries in the majority Buddhist Myanmar. Currently, there are about 1.1 million Rohingya in the Southeast Asian country.
The Rohingya speak Rohingya or Ruaingga, a dialect that is distinct to others spoken throughout Myanmar. They are not considered one of the country’s 135 official ethnic groups and have been denied citizenship in Myanmar since 1982, which has effectively rendered them stateless.
Nearly all of the Rohingya in Myanmar live in the western coastal state of Rakhine and are not allowed to leave without government permission. It is one the poorest states in the country, with ghetto-like camps and a lack of basic services and opportunities.
Due to ongoing violence and persecution, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya have fled to neighbouring countries either by land or boat over the course of many decades.
Where are the Rohingya from?
Muslims have lived in the area now known as Myanmar since as early as the 12th century, according to many historians and Rohingya groups.
The Arakan Rohingya National Organisation said: “Rohingyas have been living in Arakan from time immemorial,” referring to the area now known as Rakhine.
During the more than 100 years of British rule (1824-1948), there was a significant amount of migration of labourers to what is now known as Myanmar from today’s India and Bangladesh. Because the British administered Myanmar as a province of India, such migration was considered internal, according to Human Rights Watch (HRW).
The migration of labourers was viewed negatively by the majority of the native population.
After independence, the government viewed the migration that took place during British rule as “illegal, and it is on this basis that they refuse citizenship to the majority of Rohingya,” HRW said in a report issued in 2000.
This has led many Buddhists to consider the Rohingya Bengali, rejecting the term Rohingya as a recent invention created for political reasons.
Why aren’t they recognised?
Shortly after Myanmar’s independence from the British in 1948, the Union Citizenship Act was passed, defining which ethnicities could gain citizenship. According to a 2015 report by the International Human Rights Clinic at Yale Law School, the Rohingya were not included. The act, however, did allow those whose families had lived in Myanmar for at least two generations to apply for identity cards.
Rohingya were initially given such identification or even citizenship under the generational provision. During this time, several Rohingya also served in parliament.
After the 1962 military coup in Myanmar, things changed dramatically for the Rohingya.
All citizens were required to obtain national registration cards. The Rohingya, however, were only given foreign identity cards, which limited the jobs and educational opportunities they could pursue.
In 1982, a new citizenship law was passed, effectively rendering the Rohingya stateless. Under the law, Rohingya were again not recognised as one of the country’s 135 ethnic groups. The law established three levels of citizenship. In order to obtain the most basic level (naturalised citizenship), proof that the person’s family lived in Myanmar before 1948 was needed, as well as fluency in one of the national languages. Many Rohingya lack such paperwork because it was either unavailable or denied to them.
As a result of the law, their rights to study, work, travel, marry, practice their religion and access health services have been and continue to be restricted. The Rohingya cannot vote, and even if they navigate the citizenship test, they must identify as “naturalised” as opposed to Rohingya, and limits are placed on them entering certain professions such as medicine or law or running for office.
How are they persecuted?
Since the 1970s, a number of crackdowns on the Rohingya in Rakhine State have forced hundreds of thousands to flee to neighbouring Bangladesh, as well as Malaysia, Thailand and other Southeast Asian countries. During such crackdowns, refugees have often reported rape, torture, arson and murder by Myanmar security forces.
After the killings of nine border police in October 2016, the government blamed what it claimed were fighters from an armed Rohingya group and troops started pouring into the villages of Rakhine State. A security crackdown on villages where Rohingya lived ensued, during which government troops were accused of an array of human rights abuses including extrajudicial killing, rape and arson – allegations the government denied.
In November 2016, a UN official accused the government of carrying out ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya. It was not the first time such an accusation has been made.
In April 2013, for example, HRW said Myanmar was conducting a campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya. The government has consistently denied such accusations.
In August, residents and activists have described troops firing indiscriminately at unarmed Rohingya men, women and children. The government, however, has said nearly 100 people were killed after armed men from the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) launched a raid on police outposts in the region.
In February 2018, the Associated Press released a video showing what they say is the site of a massacre and at least five undisclosed mass graves of Rohingya in Myanmar. The UN’s special rapporteur to Myanmar said violence against the Rohingya bears the hallmarks of genocide.
Myanmar’s government razed at least 55 villages once populated by Rohingya, destroying with them evidence of crimes against the minority, according to Human Rights Watch.
The rights groups released images in February that showed between December 2017 and mid-February, areas that were once full of buildings and greenery had been completed cleared.
HRW described the actions by Myanmar security forces as an “ethnic cleansing campaign” and called on the UN and Myanmar’s donors to demand an end to the demolitions.
A total of 362 villages have been destroyed either completely or partially since Myanmar’s military began a campaign against the Rohingya in August last year, according to HRW.
How many Rohingya have fled Myanmar and where have they gone?
Since the late 1970s, nearly one million Rohingya have fled Myanmar due to widespread persecution.
According to the most recently available data from the United Nations in May, more than 168,000 Rohingya have fled Myanmar since 2012.
Following violence that broke out last year, more than 87,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh from October 2016 to July 2017, according to the International Organization for Migration.
Many Rohingya also risked their lives trying to get to Malaysia by boat across the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea. Between 2012 and 2015, more than 112,000 made the dangerous journey.
Prior to the violence that began in August 2017, the UN estimated that there are as many as 420,000 Rohingya refugees in Southeast Asia. Additionally, it said there were around 120,000 internally displaced Rohingya.
Since the violence in Myanmar’s northwest began, more than 650,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh, the UNHCR said. It added that more than 1,000 people, mostly Rohingya, may have been killed in Myanmar.
What do Aung San Suu Kyi and the Myanmar government say about the Rohingya?
State Chancellor Aung San Suu Kyi, who is the de facto leader of Myanmar, has refused to really discuss the plight of the Rohingya.
Aung San Suu Kyi and her government do not recognise the Rohingya as an ethnic group and have blamed violence in Rakhine, and subsequent military crackdowns, on those they call “terrorists”.
The Nobel Peace Prize laureate does not have control over the military but has been criticised for her failure to condemn the indiscriminate use of force by troops, as well as to stand up for the rights of the over one million Rohingya in Myanmar.
The government has also repeatedly rejected accusations of abuses. In February 2017, the UN published a report that found that government troops “very likely” committed crimes against humanity since renewed military crackdowns began in October 2016.
At the time, the government did not directly address the findings of the report and said it had the “the right to defend the country by lawful means” against “increasing terrorist activities”, adding that a domestic investigation was enough.
During Pope Francis’ visit to Myanmar in November 2017, Myanmar’s army chief told the pope that there was “no discrimination” in the country and praised the military for maintaining “peace and stability”.
In September 2016, Aung San Suu Kyi entrusted former UN chief Kofi Annan with finding ways to heal the long-standing divisions in the region. While many welcomed the commission and its findings, which were released this August, Azeem Ibrahim, a senior fellow at the Center for Global Policy, argued it was just a way for Aung San Suu Kyi to “pacify the global public opinion and try to demonstrate to the international community that she is doing what she can to resolve the issue”.
Annan was not given the mandate to investigate specific cases of human rights abuses, but rather one to look at long-term economic development, education and healthcare.
When setting up the commission, Aung San Suu Kyi’s government said it would abide by its findings. The commission urged the government to end the highly militarised crackdown on neighbourhoods where Rohingya live, as well as scrap restrictions on movement and citizenship.
Following the release of the August report, the government welcomed the commission’s recommendations and said it would give the report “full consideration with the view to carrying out the recommendations to the fullest extent … in line with the situation on the ground”.
On the latest round of violence, Aung San Suu Kyi blamed a “huge iceberg of misinformation” on the crisis, without mentioning the Rohingya who have fled to Bangladesh.
On September 19, she gave a televised address, condemning “all human rights violations” in Rakhine, without specifically mentioning the Rohingya.
She said that Myanmar was ready “at any time” to verify the status of those who had fled the violence in the last month. She did not specify who would be qualified to return and did not elaborate on how the verification process would work.
Her speech was criticised by Rohingya refugees, as well as activists who accused her government of “burying their heads in the sand”.
The government has often restricted access to northern Rakhine State for journalists and aid workers. Aung San Suu Kyi’s office has also accused aid groups of helping those it considers to be “terrorists”.
In January, Yanghee Lee, a UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, said she was denied access to certain parts of Rakhine and was only allowed to speak to Rohingya who had been pre-approved by the government.
The country has also denied visas to members of a UN probe investigating the violence and alleged abuses in Rakhine.
What does Bangladesh say about the Rohingya?
There are more than half a million Rohingya refugees living in mostly makeshift camps in Bangladesh. The majority remain unregistered.
Bangladesh considers most of those who have crossed its borders and are living outside of camps as having “illegally infiltrated” the country. Bangladesh has often tried to prevent Rohingya refugees from crossing its border.
In late January, the country resurrected a plan to relocate tens of thousands of Rohingya refugees from Myanmar to a remote, flood-prone island that has been called “uninhabitable” by rights groups. Under the plan, which was originally introduced in 2015, authorities would move undocumented Myanmar nationals to Thengar Char in the Bay of Bengal.
Rights groups have decried the proposal, saying the island completely floods during monsoon season. The UN also called the forced relocation “very complex and controversial”.
Most recently, Bangladesh’s foreign minister labelled the violence against the Rohingya in Myanmar “a genocide”. The country’s National Commission for Human Rights also said it was considering “pressing for a trial against Myanmar, and against the Myanmar army at an international tribunal” on charges of genocide.
Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina visited a Rohingya refugee camp in September and called on the UN and the international community to pressure Myanmar’s government to allow the return of hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees.
She said that Bangladesh would offer the refugees temporary shelter and aid, but that Myanmar should soon “take their nationals back”.
Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh have told Al Jazeera that the government’s aid thus far as been inadequate, with many saying they haven’t received any kind of government help.
Refugees in Bangladesh have been banned from leaving the overcrowded border areas. Police check posts and surveillance have been set up in key transit points from stop Rohingya from travelling to other parts of the country.
What does the international community say about the Rohingya?
The international community has labelled the Rohingya the “most persecuted minority in the world”.
The UN, as well as several rights groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have consistently decried the treatment of the Rohingya by Myanmar and neighbouring countries.
The UN has said that it is “very likely” that the military committed grave human rights abuses in Rakhine that may amount to war crimes, allegations the government denies.
In March, the UN adopted a resolution to set up an independent international mission to investigate the alleged abuses. It stopped short of calling for a Commission of Inquiry, the UN’s highest level of investigation.
The UN investigators must provide a verbal update in September and a full report next year on their findings.
Rights groups have criticised the government’s reluctance to accept the UN investigators.
Human Rights Watch warned that Myanmar’s government risked getting bracketed with “pariah states” like North Korea and Syria if it did not allow the UN to investigate alleged crimes.
In response to the latest round of violence, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned of the risk of ethnic cleansing, calling on Aung San Suu Kyi and the country’s security forces to end the violence.
In early September of last year, Guterres also warned of a looming “humanitarian catastrophe” if the violence did not end.
UN human rights chief Zeid bin Ra’ad al-Hussein urged Myanmar to end its “brutal security operation” against the Rohingya in Rakhine, calling it a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing”.
Both UN officials said they completely supported the findings of the advisory commission, led by Kofi Annan, and urged the government to fulfil its recommendations.
In November 2017, Pope Francis visited Myanmar and while he did not explicitly use the word “Rohingya”, he said that there needs to be acceptance and respect for all ethnic groups in the country.
In April, the chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Court (ICC) asked the court to rule if it had jurisdiction over the deportations of Rohingya people from Myanmar to Bangladesh.
A ruling affirming its jurisdiction could pave the way for prosecutors to investigate whether crimes against humanity were committed.
What is the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army?
The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), formerly known as the al-Yaqeen Faith Movement, released a statement under its new name in March 2017, saying it was obligated to “defend, salvage and protect [the] Rohingya community”.
The group said it would do so “with our best capacities as we have the legitimate right under international law to defend ourselves in line with the principle of self-defence”.
The group is considered a “terrorist” organisation by the Myanmar government.
In its March statement, the ARSA added that it does “not associate with any terrorist group across the world” and does “not commit any form of terrorism against any civilian[s] regardless of their religious and ethnic origin”.
The statement also said: “We […] declare loud and clear that our defensive attacks have only been aimed at the oppressive Burmese regime in accordance with international norms and principles until our demands are fulfilled.”
The group has claimed responsibility for an attack on police posts and an army base in Rakhine State. According to the government, nearly 400 people were killed, the majority of whom were members of the ARSA. Rights groups, however, say hundreds of civilians have been killed by security forces.
Rights group Fortify Rights said it has documented that fighters with the ARSA “are also accused of killing civilians – suspected government ‘informants’ – in recent days and months, as well as preventing men and boys from fleeing Maungdaw Township”.
On September 9, the group declared a month-long unilateral ceasefire in Rakhine to enable aid groups to address the humanitarian crisis in the area.
“ARSA strongly encourages all concerned humanitarian actors to resume their humanitarian assistance to all victims of the humanitarian crisis, irrespective of ethnic or religious background during the ceasefire period,” the group said in a statement, adding that it calls on Myanmar’s military to also temporarily lay down arms.
According to the International Crisis Group, the ARSA has ties to Rohingya living in Saudi Arabia.
The Myanmar government formally categorised the group as a “terrorist” organisation on August 25.
What is the repatriation deal?
In November 2017, Bangladesh and Myanmar signed a deal for the return of 650,000 Rohingya refugees, who fled in the recent violence.
Both countries agreed to complete a voluntary repatriation in two years. The plan is based on a similar agreement that was signed in the 1990s to repatriate Rohingya who have fled a previous crackdown led by the Myanmar military.
Myanmar set up two reception centres and what it is believed to be a temporary camp near the border of Rakhine to receive the first arrivals.
“We have been tortured, killed and our houses burnt, we want Myanmar citizenship and ID cards saying we are Rohingya. I don’t want to go to another camp in Myanmar if Bangladesh and the rest of the world can protect our rights, then we will go back, but not yet,” Syed Alam, a Rohingya refugee told Al Jazeera.
On the deal, Director of Human Rights Watch’s (HRW) refugee rights programme said: “Before the start of actual returns, Myanmar should agree to a set of prerequisites for return.”
That includes “unfettered, independent monitoring” of returnees, restoration of lost homes and properties among others.
On April 14, the Myanmar government announced in a Facebook post that a family of five had returned to the country, a move that was denounced by Rohingya rights groups as “staged” and a “publicity stunt”.
Images accompanying the social media post on Saturday showed five individuals receiving identification cards – which do not grant citizenship – from uniformed Myanmar officials, and getting medical help and living provisions from health and social workers.
According to the Rohingya Blogger, a watchdog and Rohingya rights website run by activists in Europe, the individuals in the photos are not Rohingya refugees, but family of a local administrator in Taung Pyo Latya.
The reported repatriation came days after Myanmar’s social welfare minister, Win Myat Aye, visited a Rohingya camp in Bangladesh’s border area of Cox’s Bazar.
During the visit, Win announced that Myanmar is ready for the repatriation of Rohingya.
But Ursula Mueller, the a UN senior humanitarian official, warned that there “critical issues of freedom of movement” that Myanmar’s government needs to address before beginning repatriation, AFP news agency reported.
UNHCR has also said that the “conditions in Myanmar are not yet conducive for returns to be safe, dignified and sustainable”, adding that “the responsibility for creating such conditions remains with the Myanmar authorities, and these must go beyond the preparation of physical infrastructure to facilitate logistical arrangements.”
|WATCH: Rohingya crisis in Bangladesh|