Five big things will decide what this country looks like next year and in the 20 years to follow, but here's a guarantee for you: You're not going to hear about them in the upcoming presidential debates. Yes, there will be questions and answers focused on deficits, taxes, Medicare, the Pentagon, and education, to which you already more or less know the responses each candidate will offer. What you won't get from either Mitt Romney or Barack Obama is a little genuine tough talk about the actual state of reality in these United States of ours. And yet, on those five subjects, a little reality would go a long way, while too little reality (as in the debates to come) is a surefire recipe for
Five big things will decide what this country looks like next year and in the 20 years to follow, but here's a guarantee for you: You're not going to hear about them in the upcoming presidential debates. Yes, there will be questions and answers focused on deficits, taxes, Medicare, the Pentagon and education, to which you already more or less know the responses each candidate will offer. What you won't get from either Mitt Romney or Barack Obama is a little genuine tough talk about the actual state of reality in these United States of ours. And yet, on those five subjects, a little reality would go a long way, while too little reality (as in the debates to come) is a surefire recipe for American decline.
So here's a brief guide to what you won't hear this Wednesday or in the other presidential and vice-presidential debates later in the month. Think of these as five hard truths that will determine the future of this country.
1. Immediate deficit reduction will wipe out any hope of economic recovery:
These days, it's fashionable for any candidate to talk about how quickly he'll reduce the federal budget deficit, which will total around $1.2 trillion in fiscal 2012. And you're going to hear talk about the Simpson-Bowlesdeficit reduction plan and more like it on Wednesday. But the hard truth of the matter is that deep deficit reduction anytime soon will be a genuine disaster. Think of it this way: If you woke up tomorrow and learned that Washington had solved the deficit crisis and you'd lost your job, would you celebrate? Of course not. And yet, any move to immediately reduce the deficit does increase the likelihood that you will lose your job.
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When the government cuts spending, it lays off workers and cancels orders for all sorts of goods and services that would generate income for companies in the private sector. Those companies, in turn, lay off workers, and the negative effects ripple through the economy. This isn't rocket science. It's pretty basic stuff, even if it's evidently not suitable material for a presidential debate. The non-partisan Congressional Research Service predicted in a September report, for example, that any significant spending cuts in the near-term would contribute to an economic contraction. In other words, slashing deficits right now will send us ever deeper into the Great Recession from which, at best, we've scarcely emerged.
Champions of immediate deficit reduction are likely to point out that unsustainable deficits aren't good for the economy. And that's true - in the long run. Washington must indeed plan for smaller deficits in the future. That will, however, be a lot easier to accomplish when the economy is healthier, since government spending declines when fewer people qualify for assistance, and tax revenues expand when the jobless go back to work. So it makes sense to fix the economy first. The necessity for near-term recovery spending paired with long-term deficit reduction gets drowned out when candidates pack punchy slogans into flashes of primetime TV.
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2. Taxes are at their lowest point in more than half a century, preventing investment in and the maintenance of America's most basic resources:
Hard to believe? It's nonetheless a fact. By now, it's a tradition for candidates to compete on just how much further they'd lower taxes and whether they'll lower them for everyone or just everyone but the richest of the rich. That's a super debate to listen to, if you're into fairy tales. It's not as thrilling if you consider that Americans now enjoy the lightest tax burden in more than five decades, and it happens to come with a hefty price tag on an item labelled "the future". There is no way the US can maintain a world-class infrastructure - we're talking levees, highways, bridges, you name it - and a public education system that used to be the envy of the world, plus many other key domestic priorities, on the taxes we're now paying.
Anti-tax advocates insist that we should cut taxes even more to boost a flagging economy - an argument that hits the news cycle nearly every hour and that will shape the coming TV "debate." As the New York Times recently noted, however, tax cuts might have been effective in giving the economy a lift decades ago when tax rates were above 70 per cent (and no, that's not a typo, that's what your parents and grandparents paid without much grumbling). With effective tax rates around 14 per cent for Mitt Romney and many others, further cuts won't hasten job creation, just the hollowing out of public investment in everything from infrastructure to education. Right now, the negative effects of tax increases on the most well-off would be small - read: not a disaster for "job creators" - and those higher rates would bring in desperately-needed revenue. Tax increases for middle-class Americans should arrive when the economy is stronger.
Right now, the situation is clear: we're simply not paying enough to fund the basic ingredients of prosperity from highways and higher education to medical research and food safety. Without those funds, this country's future won't be pretty.
3. Neither the status quo nor a voucher system will protect Medicare (or any other kind of health care) in the long run:
When it comes to Medicare, Mitt Romney has proposed a premium-support programme that would allow seniors the option of buying private insurance. President Obama wants to keep Medicare more or less as it is for retirees. Meanwhile, the ceaseless rise in health-care costs is eating up the wages of regular Americans and the federal budget.
Health care now accounts for a staggering 24 per cent of all federal spending, up from 7 per cent less than 40 years ago. Governor Romney's plan would shift more of those costs onto retirees, according to David Cutler, a health economist at Harvard, while President Obama says the federal government will continue to pick up the tab. Neither of them addresses the underlying problem.
Here's reality: Medicare could be significantly protected by cutting out waste. Our health system is riddled with unnecessary tests and procedures, as well as poorly coordinated care for complex health problems. This country spent $2.6 trillion on health care in 2010, and some estimates suggest that a staggering 30 per cent of that is wasted. Right now, our health system rewards quantity, not quality, but it doesn't have to be that way. Instead of paying for each test and procedure, Medicare could pay for performance and give medical professionals a strong incentive to provide more efficient and coordinated care.
President Obama's health law actually pilot tests such an initiative. But that's another taboo topic this election season, so he scarcely mentions it. Introducing such change into Medicare and the rest of our health system would save the federal government tens of billions of dollars annually. It would truly preserve Medicare for future generations, and it would improve the affordability of health coverage for everyone under 65 as well. Too bad it's not even up for discussion.
4. The US military is outrageously expensive and yet poorly tailored to the actual threats to US national security:
Candidates from both parties pledge to protect the Pentagon from cuts, or even, in the case of the Romney team, to increase the already staggering military budget. But in a country desperate for infrastructure, education, and other funding, funnelling endless resources to the Pentagon actually weakens "national security". Defence spending is already mind-numbingly large: If all US military and security spending were its own country, it would have the 19th largest economy in the world, ahead of Saudi Arabia, Taiwan, and Switzerland. Whether you're counting aircraft carriers, weapons systems, or total destructive power, it's absurdly overmatched against the armed forces of the rest of the world, individually or in combination. A couple of years ago, then-Secretary of Defence Robert M Gates gave a speech in which he detailed that overmatch.
A highlight: "The US operates 11 large carriers, all nuclear powered. In terms of size and striking power, no other country has even one comparable ship." China recently acquired one carrier that won't be fully functional for some time, if ever - while many elected officials in this country would gladly build a twelfth.
But you'll hear none of this in the presidential debates. Perhaps the candidates will mention that obsolete, ineffective, and wildly expensive weapons systems could be cut, but that's a no-brainer. The problem is, it wouldn't put a real dent in national defence spending. Currently almost one-fifth of every dollar spent by the federal government goes to the military. On average, Americans, when polled, say that they would like to see military funding cut by 18 per cent.
Instead, most elected officials vow to pour limitless resources into more weapons systems of questionable efficacy, and of which the US already owns more than the rest of the world combined. Count on one thing: Military spending will not go down as long as the US is building up a massive force in the Persian Gulf, sending Marines to Darwin, Australia, and special ops units to Africa and the Middle East, running drones out of the Seychelles Islands, and "pivoting" to Asia. If the US global mission doesn't downsize, neither will the Pentagon budget - and that's a hit on America's future that no debate will take up this month.
5. The US education system is what made this country prosperous in the twentieth century - but no longer:
Perhaps no issue is more urgent than this, yet for all the talk of teacher's unions and testing, real education programmes, ideas that will matter, are nonexistent this election season. During the last century, the best education system in the world allowed this country to grow briskly and lift standards of living. Now, from kindergarten to college, public education is chronically underfunded.
Scarcely two per cent of the federal budget goes to education, and dwindling public investment means students pay higher tuitions and fall ever deeper into debt. Total student debt surpassed $1 trillion this year and it's growing by the month, with the average debt burden for a college graduate over $24,000. That will leave many of those graduates on a treadmill of loan repayment for most or all of their adult lives.
Renewed public investment in education - from pre-kindergarten to university - would pay handsome dividends for generations. But you aren't going to hear either candidate or their vice-presidential running mates proposing the equivalent of a GI Bill for the rest of us or even significant new investment in education. And yet that's a recipe for and a guarantee of American decline.
Ironically, those in Washington arguing for urgent deficit reduction claim that we've got to do it "for the kids", that we must stop saddling our grandchildren with mountains of federal debt. But if your child turns 18 and finds her government running a balanced budget in an America that's hollowed out, an America where she has no chance of paying for a college education, will she celebrate? You don't need an economist to answer that one.
Mattea Kramer is senior research analyst at National Priorities Project and a TomDispatch regular. She is lead author of the new book A People's Guide to the Federal Budget.
A version of this article first appeared on TomDispatch.